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Borba kod Laybacha, 22. svibnja 1809. godine

Borba kod Laybacha, 22. svibnja 1809. godine


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Borba kod Laybacha, 22. svibnja 1809. godine

Borba kod Laybacha od 22. svibnja 1809. bila je gotovo beskrvna pobjeda Francuza koja je završila predajom velike austrijske snage u blizini Laybacha (današnja Ljubljana). Nakon francuske pobjede na Piaveu 8. svibnja princ Eugène, Napoleonov potkralj u Kraljevini Italiji, podijelio je svoju vojsku, poslavši generala Macdonalda prema Trstu da slijedi austrijsku ljevicu, dok se on krenuo na sjeveroistok kako bi slijedio nadvojvodu Ivana dok se povlačio u Austriju.

Macdonald je brzo zauzeo Trst, a zatim se preselio istočno prema Ljubljani, koja je 1809. bila dio Austrijskog Carstva, a bila je poznata kao Laibach. Macdonald je dobio dvije divizije - Pullyjevu i Lamarqueovu. Lamarque je prvi stigao u Laybach, stigavši ​​izvan grada 20. svibnja. Sljedećeg dana zauzeo je dio grada okružen istoimenom rijekom, te desni dio utvrđenog austrijskog logora koji je prethodnog dana napušten.

Lijevi dio logora držalo je 4.000 elitnih austrijskih vojnika, kojima je zapovijedao general Meerveldt. Ovaj logor morao je biti sjeveroistočno od grada, jer je graničio sa rijekom Savom, koja je tekla sjeverno od grada. Austrijanci su imali dva izlaza iz logora - sjeverno prema Klagenfurtu, ili istočno kroz rupu u močvarama koja je tada nizala rijeku Ljubljanu ispod grada.

Macdonald je odlučio nadmašiti austrijski kamp i opsjesti ga. Pullyjeva divizija poslana je 22. svibnja na Savu kako bi blokirala dio austrijskog logora prema toj rijeci. Lamarque je poslan lijevo, sa naredbom da izgleda kao da planira zauzeti dvorac Laybach, ali zapravo presjeći cestu do Klagenfurta. Broussieru je naređeno da postroji rijeku Ljubljanu, koristeći jednu brigadu za promatranje močvara, a drugu za blokiranje jaza.

General Meerveldt mogao je vidjeti sve ove francuske poteze, i umjesto da pokuša riskirati pokušaj izbijanja ili se oduprijeti napadu, odlučio je zatražiti uvjete. General Lamarque poslan je na pregovore s njim, a uskoro je dogovorena bezuvjetna predaja. Zarobljeno je 4.000 ljudi, 63 topa i tri zastave.

Napoleonova početna stranica | Knjige o Napoleonovim ratovima | Predmetni indeks: Napoleonovi ratovi


U vrijeme bitke Napoleon je bio u posjedu Beča, mostovi preko Dunava bili su slomljeni, a nadvojvodina vojska bila je u blizini Bisamberga, brda u blizini Korneuburga, na lijevoj obali rijeke. Francuzi su htjeli prijeći Dunav. Prvi pokušaj prijelaska Schwarze Lackenaua 13. svibnja odbijen je s oko 700 francuskih gubitaka. [4] Lobau, jedan od brojnih otoka koji je rijeku podijelio na manje kanale, odabran je kao sljedeća točka prijelaza. Obavljene su pažljive pripreme i u noći s 19. na 20. svibnja Francuzi su premostili sve kanale na desnoj obali do Lobaua i zauzeli otok. Do večeri 20. ondje je okupljeno mnogo muškaraca, a posljednji rukavac Dunava, između Lobaua i lijeve obale, premošćen je. Massénin korpus smjesta je prešao na lijevu obalu i istisnuo austrijske predstraže. Vijest o teškim napadima na njegovu pozadinu iz Tirola i Bohemije nije ga omela, Napoleon je dovezao svu raspoloživu vojsku do mostova, a do svitanja 21. okupljeno je 40.000 ljudi na Marchfeldu, širokoj ravnici lijeve obale. također biti poprište bitke kod Wagrama.

Nadvojvoda se nije opirao prolazu. Namjera mu je bila, čim je prešla dovoljno velika snaga, napasti je prije nego što joj ostatak francuske vojske stigne u pomoć. Napoleon je prihvatio rizik od takvog napada, ali je istodobno nastojao smanjiti ga tako što je pozvao svaku raspoloživu bojnu na mjesto događaja. Njegove snage na Marchfeldu bile su okupljene ispred mostova okrenutih prema sjeveru, lijevo u selu Aspern (Gross-Aspern), a desno u Esslingu. Oba mjesta ležala su blizu Dunava i stoga se nisu mogla okrenuti. Aspern se, doista, zapravo nalazi na obali jednog od riječnih kanala. Francuzi su morali popuniti prazninu između sela, a također su krenuli naprijed kako bi dali prostora za formiranje pomoćnih jedinica.

Korpus predvođen Johannom von Hillerom (VI), Heinrichom Grafom von Bellegardeom (I) i princom Friedrichom od Hohenzollern-Hechingena (II) trebao se približiti Aspernu, dok je knez Franz Seraph iz Rosenberg-Orsinija (IV) trebao napasti Essling. Austrijska pričuvna konjica princa Johanna od Liechtensteina bila je u središtu, spremna istupiti protiv bilo koje francuske konjice koja je napala glave kolona. Tijekom 21. mostovi su postajali sve više i više nesigurni, zbog nasilja struje, ali Francuzi su prelazili bez prekida cijeli dan i noć. [5]

Kaiserlich-Königliche Hauptarmee, pod zapovjedništvom Karla Austrijskog: [6]

  • 1. kolona (VI korpus), Hiller:
    • Vanguard: Nordmann
    • Div. Kottulinsky
    • Div. Vincent
    • Div. Fresnel
    • Div. Vogelsang
    • Div. Ulm
    • Div. Notitz
    • Avangarda
    • Div. Brady
    • Div. Weber
    • Div. Klenau
    • Div. Dedovich
    • Vanguard: Rohan
    • Div. Hohenlohe
    • Div. Hessen-Homburg
    • Div. Kienmayera
    • Div. grenadira, Lindenau
    • Div. grenadira, d'Aspre

    UKUPNO: 99 000 muškaraca 84 000 pješaka, 14 250 konjanika, 288 topova

    Grande Armée d'Allemagne, pod zapovjedništvom Napoleona I.: [6]

      :
      • Div. 1 (Mlada garda): Kurijal
      • Div. 2 (Stara garda): Dorsenne
      • Div. 3 (konjica): Arrighi
      • Div. Tharreau
      • Div. Claparède
      • Div. Saint-Hilaire †
      • Div. rezerve, Demont (neangažiran)
      • Div. Legrand
      • Div. Carra Saint-Cyr
      • Div. Molitor
      • Div. Boudet
      • Brig. Marulaz (konjica)
      • Div. Lasalle (konjica)
      • Div. Nansouty
      • Div. Saint-Sulpice
      • Div. d'Espagne †

      UKUPNO (22. svibnja): 77 000 muškaraca 67 000 pješaka, 10 000 konjanika, 152 topa

      Prvi dan Edit

      Bitka je započela kod Asperna Hiller je odnio selo na prvu žurbu, ali Masséna ga je ponovno osvojila i ustrajala na svom terenu. Francusko pješaštvo borilo se sa starom tvrdoglavom hrabrošću koju nije uspjela pokazati u ranijim bitkama godine. Međutim, Austrijanci su se također borili sa žestinom i upornošću koja je iznenadila Francuze, uključujući i samog Napoleona. [5]

      Tri austrijske kolone nisu uspjele zauzeti više od pola sela. Ostatak je još uvijek držala Masséna kad je pala noć. U međuvremenu je gotovo cijelo francusko pješaštvo između dva sela i ispred mostova bilo uvučeno u borbu na boku. Napoleon je stoga, kako bi stvorio diverziju, poslao naprijed svoje središte, koje se sada sastoji samo od konjaništva, kako bi jurišalo na neprijateljsko topništvo, koje je bilo raspoređeno u dugom nizu i pucalo na Aspern. Prva optužba Francuza je odbijena, ali su drugi pokušali veliki broj kirasira. Francuski konjanici istjerali su oružje, zajahali pješačke trgove Hohenzollerna i opirali se konjici Lichtensteina, ali nisu mogli učiniti više, pa su se na kraju povukli na svoj stari položaj. [5]

      U međuvremenu je Essling bio poprište borbi gotovo očajnih poput one s Aspernom. Francuski kirasi su podigli teške optužbe na boku Rosenbergovih snaga i odgodili napad. U selima se Lannes s jednom divizijom opirao sve dok noć nije završila bitku. Dvije su vojske bivakirale, a u Aspernu su Francuzi i Austrijanci ležali unutar pištolja. Car nije bio obeshrabren i obnovio je napore da odgoji svakog raspoloživog čovjeka. Cijele noći nailazilo je sve više francuskih trupa. [5]

      Drugi dan Edit

      U najraniju zoru 22. bitka je nastavljena. Masséna je brzo očistio Asperna od neprijatelja, ali je u isto vrijeme Rosenberg upao u Essling. Lannes se, međutim, očajnički opirao, a pojačan podjelom St Hilaire, otjerao je Rosenberga. U Aspernu je Masséna istjerana kontranapadom Hillera i Bellegarde. [5]

      U međuvremenu je Napoleon izveo veliki napad na austrijsko središte. Cijelo francusko središte, s Lannesom s lijeve strane i konjicom u rezervi, krenulo se naprijed. Austrijska linija je probijena, između Rosenbergove desne i Hohenzollernove lijeve strane, a francuske eskadrile slile su se u prazninu. Pobjeda je skoro izvojevana kada je nadvojvoda podigao svoju posljednju pričuvu, vodeći svoje vojnike s bojom u ruci. Lannesa su provjerili, a njegovim odbijanjem poticaj napada zamro je cijelom linijom. Aspern je bio izgubljen, a ozbiljnije vijesti stigle su do Napoleona u kritičnom trenutku. Dunavski mostovi, koji su već jednom bili slomljeni, bili su presječeni teškim teglenicama koje su Austrijanci poslali nizvodno. [5]

      Napoleon je odmah prekinuo napad. Essling je sada pao pod još jedan napad na Rosenberga, pa su ga Francuzi ponovno istjerali. Rosenberg je tada svoje napore usmjerio na bok francuskog centra, polako se povlačeći na mostove. Umirovljenje je bilo užasno skupo, ali Lannes je zaustavio Francuze da ih otjeraju u Dunav. Potpunom iscrpljenošću obje strane okončane su borbe. [5]

      Francuzi su izgubili više od 20.000 ljudi, uključujući jednog od Napoleonovih sposobnih zapovjednika na terenu i bliskog prijatelja, maršala Jean Lannesa, koji je poginuo nakon što ga je smrtno ranio austrijski topovski udar u napadu na snage Johanna von Klenaua u Aspernu, što je podržalo 60 dobronamjernih snaga. postavili pištolje. Francuski general Louis-Vincent-Joseph Le Blond de Saint-Hilaire također je umro od posljedica ozljeda u bitci koju mu je nogom otkinula topovska kugla. Austrijanci su također pretrpjeli slične žrtve, ali su osigurali prvu veliku pobjedu protiv Francuza više od desetljeća. Pobjeda je pokazala napredak koji je austrijska vojska postigla od niza katastrofalnih poraza 1800. i 1805. godine.

      Francuske snage povučene su na otok. U noći 22. zadnji je most popravljen, a vojska je čekala dolazak pojačanja u Lobau. [5] Austrijanci, iznenađeni pobjedom, nisu uspjeli iskoristiti situaciju, dopuštajući Francuzima da se pregrupiraju. Mjesec dana kasnije, Francuzi su pokušali prijeći Dunav gdje je Napoleon u bitci kod Wagrama ostvario odlučujuću pobjedu nad Austrijancima.

      The Löwe von Aspern (Lav od Asperna), velika kamena skulptura ispred crkve sv. Martina, spomenik je u spomen na bitku.

      Patrick Rambaud, francuski autor, napisao je izmišljeni prikaz sukoba pod naslovom "Bitka"koristeći mnoge izvore iz prve ruke. Gledajući samo iz francuske perspektive, roman pruža prilično realan opis borbe u Napoleonovom razdoblju, kao i detaljne prikaze poznatih zapovjednika poput Napoleona, Massene i Lannesa. Koncept i bilješke jer je knjiga izvorno došla od poznatog francuskog autora Honoréa de Balzaca. Marcellin Marbot, jedan od pomoćnika logora maršala Lannesa, zapisao je u svojim memoarima bitku u kojoj je morao promatrati posljednje trenutke svojih bliskih prijatelja i opisuje količina krvoprolića i tuge koja je došla u Grande Armée nakon prelaska Dunava.

      Vojni kirurg Dominique-Jean Larrey također je opisao bitku u svojim memoarima i spominje kako je hranio ranjenike u Lobauu bujonom konjskog mesa začinjenog barutom. [7] Dr Béraud Larreya citira na francuskom jeziku [8]


      Borba kod Laybacha, 22. svibnja 1809. - Povijest

      2009. predstavio sam rad u Beču na Napoleonovom simpoziju & lsquoFeldzug 1809. & rsquo kojim se obilježava dvjestogodišnjica bitke kod Wagrama. Ovaj je rad ispričao priču o Napoleonovoj austrijskoj kampanji 1809. kroz oči jednog vojnika, kaplara Nicolasa Page iz francuske 9. lake pješadije. Stranica je služila u 4. bojni, formaciji za koju je usmena povijest pukovnije bila jasna da je sastavljena tek u posljednjem trenutku i uglavnom se sastojala od loše obučene i na brzinu opremljene postrojbe.

      Zaključak rada bio je da je Napoleon 1809. godine još uvijek imao dovoljno ljudstva za podizanje vojske u kratkom roku, ali da je kvaliteta vojnika patila zbog nedostatka obuke, a također i zbog manje iskusnog časničkog zbora. Također je istražena mogućnost da su zbog nedostatka iskustva među vojnicima časnici bili izloženi većem riziku, bili uočljiviji u izlaganju opasnosti te su stoga pretrpjeli povećane žrtve.

      U ovom radu želim nadograditi ove zaključke i detaljnije proučiti ustroj 4. bojne na temelju sačuvanih dokumentarnih dokaza i usmene povijesti. Ona također predstavlja priliku za proučavanje carskog dekreta od 18. veljače 1808., možda najveće pojedinačne reforme pješačkih pukovnija Francuske i Rsquosa pod Napoleonovom vladavinom. Iako bi se takvo istraživanje moglo prvo odbaciti kao preusko polje istraživanja za izvođenje širih zaključaka, zamišlja se da priča o ovoj bojni nije bila jedinstvena.

      Tradicionalno smo velik dio našeg znanja o Napoleonovom razdoblju izvodili iz mnoštva popularnih izvora usmene povijesti kao što su Coignet, Marbot, de Bourienne, Bourgogne, Blaze i slični. To osobito vrijedi među entuzijastima koji govore engleski u tom razdoblju kojima su mnogi memoari na francuskom jeziku nedostupni. Ovi memoari ostaju popularni i u opticaju jer su dobro napisani i, uglavnom, zabavni dijelovi književnosti. U usporedbi sa hrpom propisa, priručnika, uputa i naredbi koji su preživjeli to razdoblje, ovi memoari tvore korisnu protutežu, pomažući nam da shvatimo što se zapravo dogodilo. Međutim, kao izvori, memoari imaju ograničenja.

      Memoari su anegdote i stoga su podložni uobičajenim netočnostima sjećanja, lažnim uvjerenjima i pretjerivanjima koja zamagljuju ljudski um: doista, teške činjenice često postaju žrtve dobre priče. Također, možda je istinito reći da se memoari ne zadržavaju na svakodnevnim ritualima svakodnevnog života ili ekstremnim strahotama borbe, već postoje negdje između, radije bilježeći iskustva koja su ih zabavljala, ili (u danima prije željeznice učinio međunarodni turizam pristupačnim), egzotični karakter mjesta koja su posjetili i čudne stanovnike koje su susreli.

      Mnogo pouzdaniji pokazatelj stvarnosti može se pronaći u sačuvanim zapisima Napoleonove vojske rsquosa u Service Historique de la D & eacutefense (SHD) u Ch & acircteau de Vincennes na periferiji Pariza. Ako neko želi istražiti dovoljno duboko, bogatstvo neobjavljenog primarnog izvornog materijala o tom razdoblju ostaje još uvijek netaknuto, putem izvješća o inspekcijskim pregledima i općenite korespondencije između pojedinih pukovnija i različitih ureda Ministarstva rata. Možda će jednog dana neki automatizirani istraživački alat moći pročitati i prepisati tisuće rukopisnih unosa u pukovničkim spiskovima - upisuje mature. Možda bismo jednoga dana mogli sastaviti potpuni popis žrtava francuskih mrtvih u velikim bitkama poput Wagrama i Waterlooa ili mapirati stopu napuštanja Napoleonove vojske. Svi ti podaci postoje, ali ih tek treba prikupiti, jer, što nam na kraju mogu reći zapisi jedne pukovnije?

      Iako imam opću strast prema vojnoj povijesti i posebnu naklonost prema Napoleonovom dobu, moje najdetaljnije istraživanje koncentriralo se na priču o jednoj pukovniji u Napoleonovoj vojsci, 9e r & eacutegiment d & rsquoinfanterie l & eacuteg & egravere (često skraćeno u Prvom carstvu na 9e l & eacuteger ). Ova je pukovnija stekla naslov l & rsquoNeusporedivo nakon njegove snažne intervencije u Marengu 1800. godine, vojvoda od Roviga opisao je kako je ova pukovnija htjela popraviti svoje ime u svakoj akciji i nikada se nije trznula pred neprijateljem & rsquo (izjava koju bih mogao osporiti nakon što sam otkrio da se u SHD -u vratilo unesrećeno Deveta & rsquos druga bojna pobjegla je od ruskog napada na Mohrungen 1807. godine i pritom izgubila standard & lsquoeagle & rsquo), ali izjava Roviga & rsquosa ipak ukazuje na to da su njeni suvremenici smatrali da je pukovnija dobra.

      Ova pukovnija, usavršena u kampovima za obuku na obali Kanala 1804.-1805., Borila se s velikom hrabrošću u kampanjama u Ulmu i Austerlitzu, osobito u Haslachu (11. listopada 1805.) kada je zbog pogrešnih rasporeda divizija Dupont & rsquos bila izložena glavnim snagama vojske Mack & rsquos mjesec dana kasnije u D & uumlrnsteinu (11. studenoga 1805.) kada se puk borio velikom žestinom i spriječio kolonu ruskih trupa da presiječe maršal Mortier & rsquos samo liniju za povlačenje. Nedostajući Austerlitz i Jena iz različitih razloga (u prvom slučaju dok im je odobreno razdoblje odmora nakon teškog borbe D & uumlrnstein u ovom drugom zbog oholosti maršala Bernadottea i rsquosa u ignoriranju zapovijedi koje nisu isporučene izravno od cara), Deveti je vidio nekoliko živahnih akcije u potrazi za Bl & uuml cher do baltičke obale. Kao što je ranije opisano, pukovnija je u siječnju 1807. doživjela trenutak katastrofe u Mohrungenu, ali se tada na vrijeme izvršila veličanstveni oporavak za Friedland koji se borio na sedmu godišnjicu Marenga.

      Početkom 1808. pukovni & rsquos poljski bataljoni uživali su u trenutku mira, ispijajući suho svoje uljudne, ali ne entuzijastične pruske domaćine koji su slomili srca mladih dama i obogatili žene s manje uglednim dizajnom. U to je vrijeme Napoleon naredio reorganizaciju svojih pješačkih pukovnija, reformu kojom će se stvoriti bojna kojoj je bilo suđeno da se bori u Wagramu 1809. godine i koja je predmet ove studije.

      Trebali bismo ozbiljno započeti proučavanje Devete & rsquos 4. bojne s osvrtom na Carski dekret od 18. veljače 1808. Ovaj dokument postavlja najveću pojedinačnu reformu u organizaciji francuskih pješačkih pukovnija od spajanja redovnih i dobrovoljačkih bojna 1793. godine. Stoga je to ključni dokument u proučavanju 9. svjetla i općenito, carske vojske u potonjem dijelu Napoleonove vladavine.

      U Napoleonovoj vojsci osnovna taktička pješačka formacija bila je bojna. Obično je pješačka brigada sastavljena od dva bataljuna i pješačka divizija od dvije brigade. Do 1808. svaki je francuski bataljun bio sastavljen od osam četa topitelja (ili potjera u lakom pješaštvu) i jedne čete grenadira (karabinjeri u lakom pješaštvu). Svakom četom zapovijedao je kapetan, kojeg su zamijenili poručnik i podnarednik. Zatim su došli bojnik, četiri narednika, intendant kaplar (četiri prijevoznika), osam kaplara, dva bubnjara i 104 fuzilera ili 64 grenadira, tako da je jedna topiteljska četa imala teoretsku snagu od 123 ljudi, a grenadirerska četa 83 ljudi.

      Između 1804. i 1805. laka i linijska pješačka pukovnija pretvorila je svoje druge čete topljivača u voltigeure (lit. skakače), vrstu lake pješaštva sastavljene od ljudi visine do 1,60 m (5 stopa 2 inča) koji su, barem na papiru, bili od kojih se očekivalo da će trčati zajedno ili skočiti na leđa prolaznoj konjici i sjahati u blizini neprijatelja, boreći se kao okršaji.

      Od 1803. većina je francuskih pješačkih pukovnija izbacila dvije borbene bojne i zadržala treću bojnu u pričuvi koja je činila skladište. Ova je organizacija izvrsno poslužila Francuze u četiri kampanje između 1805. i 1807. godine, ali mogu se vidjeti brojne mane u postavci. Možda je bilo neučinkovito imati čitav bataljon od devet satnija koji djeluje kao skladište. S punom snagom, bataljon skladišta imao bi kadar od 27 časnika i 144 podčasnika i bubnjara, a Napoleonu nije moglo promaknuti pozornost da je toliko iskusnih ljudi uživalo u relativno mirnom životu u skladištu dok su se povećavale žrtve na prvoj crti bojišnice.

      9. svjetlo propustilo je velike bitke kod Austerlitza, Jene i krvoproliće kod Eylaua. Uprkos tome, njegove žrtve od 1805. do 1807. bile su značajne. Inspekcija koju je izvršio general Schauenburg 1. siječnja 1808. utvrdila je da je pukovnija izgubila 1.503 ljudi od prethodnog pregleda 18. kolovoza 1805., a gubici su podijeljeni na sljedeći način:

      Mrtav 330
      Napušten 171
      Ispražnjen 687
      Zanesen presudama 20
      Oduševljen dugim odsustvom 184
      Premješten u drugi zbor 83
      Napravljeni časnici 28

      Zapravo, stopa mortaliteta bila je veća nego što je navedeno u pregledu. 184 muškaraca koji su otpušteni zbog dugog izbivanja uključivali bi muškarce koji su nestali i koji bi mogli umrijeti od rana ili bolesti bez da je to prijavljeno trupu. Usporedio sam ovu tablicu s popisima pukova u istom razdoblju (18. kolovoza 1805. i 1. siječnja 1808.) i otkrio neke razlike. U matičnim knjigama nalaze se imena 466 muškaraca koji su umrli u tom razdoblju. Od njih 112 je ubijeno u akciji, a 325 je umrlo u bolnici. Daljnjih 29 je jednostavno navedeno da su umrli od prirodnih uzroka, rana ili bolesti.

      Upute pukovnije također ukazuju na neka naprezanja koja su pukovnija nanijela četiri kampanje uzastopno. Regrut 3889, Bellavena je stigao u skladište 26. studenog 1806. Putovao je iz Pijemonta i bio je građanin & lsquofrancuskog & rsquo odjela la Doire. Bellavena je slijedio 151 njegov sunarodnjak i upisao se u pukovniju. Nekoliko mjeseci kasnije, 6. ožujka 1807., iz Pijemonta je stigla druga serija, ovoga puta predvođena regrutom 4542, Barbonaglia, ovaj put iz odjela La Sesia. Pratilo ga je 232 njegovih sunarodnjaka i upisao se u pukovniju zajedno s uobičajenim komplementima dječaka s farme iz samog francuskog odjela Vosges.

      Do 1807. Napoleon je počeo pljačkati svoja skladišta radi dodatne radne snage, premještajući elitne satnije bataljona skladišta u Prusku, formirajući ad-hoc grenadirsku diviziju pod generalom Oudinotom. Međutim, to je i dalje ostavljalo sedam toplijih tvrtki za obuku novaka koji dolaze. Jasno je da bi moglo postojati isplativije rješenje koje bi oslobodilo iskusne kadrove za borbene dužnosti.

      Možda je postojao još jedan poticaj za reformu iz 1808. godine. Do te godine vojni utjecaj Napoleonove vlasti protegao se od Pirinejskog poluotoka do obala Nemana. Kako bi letio francuskom trobojnicom i održao vjerodostojnu vojnu prisutnost, Napoleonu je bilo potrebno više bataljuna. U reformama postavljenim 1808. godine, Napoleon je uspio udvostručiti broj poljskih bataljuna i pojednostaviti bataljon skladišta. Udvostručivši broj pješačkih bojna u svojoj vojsci, Napoleon je uspio značajno povećati broj divizija na raspolaganju za operativne dužnosti. Štoviše, ovo povećanje je postignuto bez značajnog povećanja ukupne mase plaća vojske, što je sam po sebi uredan administrativni podvig.

      Detaljno proučavajući carsku uredbu od 18. veljače 1808., reforma je predložila da se svaki puk linijskog i lakog pješaštva sastoji od & eacutetat-major (stožer) i pet bataljuna. Prva četiri bataljuna bila bi klasificirana kao bataillons de guerre (borbeni bataljuni), peti kao skladišni bataljon.

      Svakim borbenim bataljunom zapovijedao bi a kuhar de bataillon (zapovjednik bojne) koji je po svojoj zapovijedi imao ađutantskog bojnika, dva podoficira ađutanta (muškarci koji su uglavnom odgovorni za policijsko djelovanje i obuku bojne). Svaki bataljun sastojao bi se od šest četa jednake snage: jedna od grenadira, jedna od lakih postrojbi voltigeura i četiri od topljivača.

      Svaki deponijski bataljun sastojao bi se od četiri satnije, svakom zapovijedao je kapetan. Depo ne bi imao vlastite elitne tvrtke. Ministra rata jedan bi od kapetana satnije imenovao za zapovjednika bojne depoa, doduše po zapovijedi majora pukovnije. Bojna depoa također bi imala major ađutanta i dva pomoćnika podoficira.

      Snaga osoblja i svake tvrtke dana je kao:

      1 pukovnik
      1 glavni
      4 zapovjednika bojne
      5 pomoćnih smjerova
      1 intendantski blagajnik
      1 službenik za plate
      1 porte aigle (nosač orlova)
      1 kirurg-major
      4 pomoćna kirurga
      5 pomoćnika
      10 pomoćnika podoficira
      2 druga i treći orlonoša
      1 bubanj -dur
      1 kaplara bubnja
      8 glazbenika, uključujući voditelja
      4 majstora majstora

      1 kapetan
      1 poručnik
      1 podnarednik
      1 vodnik
      4 narednika
      1 kaplar četiri prijevoznika (intendant)
      8 kaplara
      121 grenadira, voltigeura ili fuziliera
      2 bubnjara

      Tako bi snaga svake pukovnije u novom ustrojstvu brojala 3970 ljudi, od čega je bilo 108 časnika i 3 862 podčasnika i vojnika. Svaka će se tvrtka sada sastojati od 140 ljudi (povećanje od 17 ljudi).

      Gledajući omjer časnika i podoficira prema muškarcima bez čina, prije reforme je to bilo otprilike 1: 6. Povećanje je omjer zapovijedi učinilo 1: 7, ali moramo se sjetiti da bi tvrtke često padale znatno ispod svoje službene snage u kampanji, pa je omjer vjerojatno bio bliži 1: 5 ili čak 1: 4. Ovo je važno naglasiti, jer da se povećava broj žrtava i da se ljudi brže prebacuju, kvaliteta vojnika bi se smanjila, a potrebna bi bila i veća razina nadzora, osobito ako bi pukovnija uzimala ljude koji bi mogli imati poznavanje francuskog jezika.

      Ključni zaključak u ovom trenutku mora biti da je reforma iz 1808. godine stavila veći teret nadzora na časnike i podčasnike u satnijama. Kad su ti ljudi doživjeli, dodatni teret morao je biti skroman i možda jedva primjetan, ali kad su časnici tek bili iz vojne škole ili su nedavno unaprijeđeni iz činova, a kaplari su birani među svjetlijim vojnim obveznicima bez iskustva, ovaj dodatni teret odgovornosti mogao imati utjecaj na ukupne performanse poduzeća.

      Uz strukturne reforme date u dekretu iz 1808., u dokumentu su navedene brojne detaljne klauzule. Na primjer, je li visinska kvalifikacija voltigeura već utvrđena zakonima 22 Vent & ocircse a XII (13. ožujka 1804.) i 2e Jour Compl & eacutementaire XIII, (19. rujna 1805.). Dekret iz 1808. potvrdio je osposobljenost vojnika klasificiranih kao grenadiri, koji su trebali biti izvučeni od najviših ljudi u pukovniji, a u ovoj početnoj fazi služili su četiri godine ili su sudjelovali u dva od četiri pohoda na Ulm , Austerlitz, Jena ili Friedland. Prije toga, ročnici su možda otišli ravno u grenadirske čete, a Jean Roche Coignet bio je to dobro poznat primjer.

      Kao elitna satnija, grenadiri su postavljeni s desne strane bataljuna kada je raspoređen u linijskom sastavu, što je tradicionalno počasno mjesto elitnih postrojbi. Iako su voltigeuri imali zajedničku plaću s grenaderima, prethodno im nije dodijeljena nikakva posebna točka u liniji. U dekretu je službeno priznat elitni status voltigeura dodjeljujući im lijevo od reda, drugo počasno mjesto.

      Kad bi bilo prisutno svih šest četa, uvijek bi marširali i djelovali u formaciji poznatoj kao podjela, drugim riječima, kao parovi četa (različita je istoimena organizacija sastavljena od nekoliko brigada). Međutim, kad su iz bojne odsutni grenadiri ili voltigeuri, satnije bi djelovale pojedinačno peleta (lit. vodovi). U francuskoj vojsci izraz & lsquocompany & rsquo odnosio se na upravu jedinice & lsquoplatoon & rsquo bila je taktička oznaka satnije koja je ulazila u sastav bojne.

      Članak 12. uredbe predviđa klasifikaciju za časnike, pri čemu se kapetani i poručnici razvrstavaju, prvi, drugi ili treći, a svakom razredu dodjeljuju se različite razine plaće. Od sada će pukovnija imati osam kapetana prve klase, deset kapetana druge klase i deset kapetana treće klase, četrnaest poručnika prve klase i četrnaest drugih klasa (potporučnicima nije dodijeljena klasa). Četiri kapetana s najdužim stažom bili bi kapetani prve klase i zapovijedali bi prvom četom topitelja u svakoj bojni. Četiri kapetana grenadira izabrao bi pukovnik i također bi bili ocijenjeni prvom klasom.

      Dekretom su predviđene i neke specijalizirane postrojbe. Na primjer, svaki borbeni bataljun dobio je četiri sapuri (pionirske trupe) koji su izabrani među grenadirima. Među njima bi bio jedan kaplar koji bi zapovijedao svim pionirima u pukovniji.

      Svaka bi pukovnija imala jednog orla koji bi nosio oraonoša s ocinom poručnik ili podnaporučnik i koji bi imao najmanje deset godina službe ili je napravio četiri pohoda na Ulm, Austerlitz, Jenu i Friedland. Uživao bi u plaći poručnika prve klase. Oraonosca će ustupiti dva stara vojnika s najmanje deset godina službe, istaknuti po svojoj hrabrosti, ali koji zbog nepismenosti nisu mogli dobiti napredovanje. Ove pratnje su nosile titule drugog i trećeg orlonoše i imale su čin narednika uz plaću natporučnika. Kao dodatni identifikacijski znak, ove pratnje nosile bi četiri ševrona na oba rukava. Konačno, orlonoše su činile dio pukovskog osoblja i mogao ih je imenovati ili razriješiti samo sam car.

      Prema dekretu, pukovnije linije odsad će imati jednog orla (prethodno je svaka borbena bojna imala orla). Ovaj orao uvijek bi se nalazio na mjestu gdje je bio ujedinjen najveći broj bataljuna (u praksi gdje se nalazio pukovnik). Osim toga, svaki borbeni bataljun imao bi & lsquoensign & rsquo koji je nosio podoficir po izboru zapovjednika.

      U smislu donošenja reforme, nove borbene bojne formirane su sljedećim izmjenama:

      1. Čete grenadira i voltigeura, zajedno s četiri prve topljive čete prve bojne, formirale bi novu prvu bojnu.
      2. Čete grenadira i voltigeura, zajedno s četiri prve satnije druge bojne, formirale bi novu drugu bojnu.
      3. Preostale tri satnije prve i druge bojne tvorile bi novu treću bojnu.
      4. Grenadirske i voltigeurske satnije prve četiri topljive čete treće bojne formirale bi novu četvrtu bojnu.

      Kako će matematički oštroumno shvatiti, preostalo je samo tri satnije da oforme peti bataljon skladišta. Rješenje ove zagonetke bilo je prilično jednostavno. Do 1808. neke su pukovnije stvorile četvrti bataljun, a te će pukovnije drugim pukovnijama osigurati kadar koji će nadomjestiti manjak.

      Deveto svjetlo nije odmah donijelo reforme najavljene dekretom od 18. veljače 1808. godine. Pukovnija & rsquos dvije borbene bojne morale su biti pozvane u Berlin iz zimskih kantona, pa se stvaranje prve tri bojne dogodilo tek 1. lipnja 1808. U velikoj povorci pred maršalom Victorom i generalom Ruffinom pukovnik je formirao pukovniju u postrojba linije tada je predstavila Ruffin popis podčasnika i vojnika predloženih za nove satnije karabinera. Pukovnik je zatim dostavio imena vojnika predloženih za pukovniju & rsquos sapuri.

      Izvješće o ceremoniji jasno daje do znanja da nije dat prijedlog za mjesto orlonoše ili pratnje. Lako pješaštvo dobilo je naređenje da pošalje svoje orlove u depoe tijekom zatišja između Eylaua i Friedlanda. Having lost a standard at Mohrungen on 25 January 1807 (then concealed the fact) we can safely assume the Ninth had complied with this order, and at the beginning of 1808 at least, the surviving eagle was not carried by the regiment.

      Lastly the regiment had to assign twelve companies of chasseurs to the new battalions. With fourteen companies then in existence, the 6th company of the 1st battalion and the 8th company of the 2nd battalion were dissolved. The men from these companies were shared among the other companies to equalise their strength. The remaining companies were each then allocated to the three battalions in order of the captain&rsquos seniority (i.e. first captain in seniority to 1st Company 1st Battalion second senior captain, 1st Company 2nd Battalion and so on.).

      By this time, the new 4th and 5th battalions had already been created, albeit on paper at least. The intention had been to form the 4th and 5th Battalions from the chasseur companies of the old 3rd Battalion. However when the review took place on 1 May 1808, there were only 108 men left in the depot and the two battalions therefore could exist only in name.

      The carabineers and voltigeurs of the old 3rd Battalion were earmarked as the elite companies of the new 4th Battalion but at the time of the reform they were still at Danzig and formed part of Oudinot&rsquos corps with 203 officers and men. They were therefore not free to return to the depot and take part in the process.

      On 22 November 1807 the depot had been ordered to send four companies of chasseurs to form part of the 7th Provisional Regiment which was assembling at Bayonne. This detachment of 450 men would become part of the ill-fated expeditionary force which surrendered to the Spanish at Bailen in 1808. The great majority of these men were formed by a fresh batch of conscripts sent from Piedmont.

      A small success was the arrival of a 19-man company cadre which had arrived from the 20th Line. These soldiers must have been somewhat astonished to find the depot so empty of recruits.

      In the summer of 1808 a batch of several hundred conscripts did materialise, but they were almost immediately removed from the 9th Light&rsquos books and transferred to the newly created 31st Light Infantry. In fact it was not until 1 April 1809 that the reform was fully enacted. By then France&rsquos military situation had become somewhat complex.

      Following Dupont&rsquos surrender at Bailen in July 1808, Napoleon transported a sizeable proportion of his Grande Armée into Spain and began revenging the reverse his martial reputation had suffered. In a fairly swift campaign, Napoleon seized the Spanish capital and drove a British expeditionary force into the sea at Corunna. Although scathing in his criticism of Dupont for surrendering at Bailen, it is notable that Napoleon did not remain in the Iberian Peninsula long enough to invade Andalusia, or subjugate Portugal, and therefore returned to France with the job only half done. This was to prove a costly mistake &ndash as was the whole involvement in the Peninsula.

      The causes of the renewal of hostilities with Austria on 10 April 1809 are beyond the scope of this paper. It is perhaps sufficient to say that having transported his army to Spain, and in the main part left it there, Napoleon now needed to form a new army to fight in Germany. It was this need to urgently raise forces which finally acted as a stimulus for action in forming the Ninth&rsquos 4th and 5th Battalions.

      The 4th Battalion was destined to serve in a composite regiment specially created for the campaign against Austria. It would be designated as 1st Battalion, 1st Light Half-Brigade, in the brigade of General Conroux, which in turn formed part of General Tharreau&rsquos division. The other two battalions in the half-brigade were formed by the 4th Battalion of the 6th Light and a battalion of Corsican Tirailleurs.

      The first components of the battalion to arrive in theatre were the elite companies which had been released from Oudinot&rsquos division. These carabineers and voltigeurs had seen action at Friedland and also in the siege of Danzig where they had been exposed to malaria and virtual starvation rations. They were therefore quite seasoned for the coming campaign.

      As they arrived in Ausberg, a large contingent of 500 conscripts arrived in the regimental depot at Longwy on 8 March 1809. The memoirs of Nicolas Page describe how this contingent arrived and were immediately processed: that is to say entered on the rolls, given a rudimentary medical, formed into squads and then read the penal code. Over the next two days they were taught the rudiments of foot drill before, on the third day, they were uniformed and equipped. At this point approximately half the contingent was sent to Germany and received its training en route. Nicolas Page was in the other half of the contingent who remained behind and received some training. As a further boon he was promoted to corporal. In the battalions serving in Spain there were hundreds of men who had served for years without such a chance of promotion and higher pay.

      Prior to the official formation of the new 4th and 5th Battalions, the 9th Light had formed a temporary organisation they called the Picquet. This was in effect the pool of men at the depot waiting to be incorporated into one of the new battalions. On 1 April 1809 there were sufficient recruits for form the two new battalions and so the Piquet was wound up. The strength of the new 4th Battalions was shown in the table below:


      Ministarstvo financija SAD -a

      Check out the accomplishments and portraits of the people who have led the Treasury Department through the years.

      Dates Served

      Sept. 11, 1789 - Jan. 31, 1795

      3. veljače 1795. - 3. ožujka 1797
      4. ožujka 1797. - 31. prosinca 1800. godine

      1. siječnja 1801. - 3. ožujka 1801. godine
      4. ožujka 1801. - svibnja. 6, 1801

      14. svibnja 1801. - 3. ožujka 1809. godine
      Mar. 4, 1809 - Feb 9 , 1814

      22. listopada 1816. - 3. ožujka 1817
      Mar. 4, 1817 - Mar. 3, 1825

      1. srpnja 1834. - 3. ožujka 1837
      4. ožujka 1837. - 3. ožujka 1841

      Mar. 5, 1841 - Apr. 4, 1841
      5. travnja 1841 - 11. rujna 1841

      Jul. 4, 1844 - Mar. 3, 1845
      Mar. 4, 1845 - Mar. 7, 1845

      Mar. 8, 1845 - Mar. 3, 1849
      Mar. 4, 1849 - Mar. 5, 1849

      8. ožujka 1849. - 9. srpnja 1850
      10. srpnja 1850. - 22. srpnja 1850

      Jul. 23, 1850 - Mar. 3, 1853
      Mar 4, 1853 - Mar. 6, 1853

      Mar. 7, 1853 - Mar. 3, 1857
      Mar. 4, 1857 - Mar. 6, 1857

      Jan. 15, 1861 - Mar. 3, 1861
      Mar. 4, 1861 - Mar. 6, 1861

      9. ožujka 1865. - 15. travnja 1865. godine
      Apr. 15, 1865 - Mar. 3, 1869

      7. srpnja 1876. - 3. ožujka 1877. godine
      4. ožujka 1877. - 9. ožujka 1877. godine

      8. ožujka 1881 - 19. rujna 1881
      20. rujna 1881 - 13. studenog 1881

      31. listopada 1884. - 3. ožujka 1885
      4. ožujka 1885. - 7. ožujka 1885

      Apr. 1, 1887 - Mar. 3, 1889
      Mar. 4, 1889 - Mar. 6, 1889

      25. veljače 1891. - 3. ožujka 1893
      4. ožujka 1893. - 6. ožujka 1893

      7. ožujka 1893 - 3. ožujka 1897
      4. ožujka 1897. - 5. ožujka 1897

      6. ožujka 1897. - 14. rujna 1901. godine
      Sep. 14, 1901 - Jan. 31, 1902

      Mar. 4, 1907 - Mar. 3, 1909
      Mar. 4, 1909 - Mar. 7, 1909

      Mar. 8, 1909 - Mar. 3, 1913
      Mar. 4, 1913 - Mar. 5, 1913

      4. ožujka 1921. - 2. kolovoza 1923. godine
      3. kolovoza 1923. - 3. ožujka 1929
      4. ožujka 1929. - 12. veljače 1932. godine


      Best Generals in the Napoleonic Wars

      Napoleon Bonaparte is considered by many people to be the best military strategist of all time. However, he was not the only one who performed great feats during the Napoleonic Wars. Excepting Wellington, Jean Lannes, Michel Ney, and Gebhard Leberecht von Blücher might have been the best of the rest. They fought with all their might for their homeland and never feared death. The three men received many honors for their service to their countries.

      Napoleon Bonaparte and his staff

      Jean Lannes – The Brother Napoleon Never Had

      Lannes was born in Lectoure, France, on April 10, 1769. A humble farmer’s son, he nevertheless reached the rank of Marshal of the French Empire in 1804. Lannes was one of Napoleon Bonaparte’s most brilliant subordinates and also his personal friend. By showing great bravery and courage in the campaigns of Italy, Austria, and Prussia, he earned the titles of Duke of Montebello and Prince of Sievers, both granted by Bonaparte himself.

      He began his military career after the outbreak of the French Revolution, enlisting in 1792 with the 2nd battalion of volunteers of Gers. He obtained the rank of second lieutenant.

      Jean Lannes

      The Battle of the Bridge of Arcole

      In the fighting which occurred between November 15 and 17, 1796, Lannes received two bullet wounds that forced him to retreat. However, he decided to return to help Bonaparte, who was in trouble while trying to withdraw after the Austrian counterattack.

      Lannes launched his troops against the enemy and was wounded again, but managed to push them beyond the bridge. Thanks to Lannes’s actions, Bonaparte was able to escape with his life. From that day, a special friendship emerged between Bonaparte and Lannes. The following year, in recognition of his performance, Bonaparte named him General of Brigade.

      The Battle of the Bridge of Arcole.

      The conquest of Zaragoza

      Lannes led the French army to victory during the conquest of Zaragoza. On this occasion, instead of expensive bayonet attacks, Lannes decided to use artillery and mines to destroy the resistance points one by one.

      His tactics worked, despite the casualties incurred. His men constantly had to protect themselves from ambushes and attacks from the windows of the houses. Even so, Lannes managed to seize the neighborhoods and the city surrendered on February 21, 1809

      The surrender of Zaragoza

      The Last Battle of Jean Lannes – I am Wounded It’s Nothing Much

      On May 22, 1809, during the second day of the Battle of Aspern-Essling, a cannonball hit General Pouzet’s head, decapitating him. Pouzet was a personal friend of Lannes, who had introduced him to military life and taught him tactical knowledge. Shocked by what happened, Lannes sat on the edge of a trench and another cannonball hit his legs. He exclaimed that it was nothing, but was unable to get up with help.

      The damage caused by the cannonball made it necessary to amputate his left leg. Unfortunately, he suffered from gangrene that ultimately caused his death. Bonaparte cried at Lanne’s death as if his own brother had just died.

      Tomb of Lannes in the Panthéon, Paris. Photo: I, Triboulet / CC-BY-SA 2.5

      For his merits, Jean Lannes was exhumed and buried with a great ceremony at the Panthéon of Paris on July 6, 1810.

      Marshal Michel Ney – The Bravest of the Brave

      Michel Ney, Duke of Elchingen, was born on January 10, 1769, in Sarrelouis, France. He was known as the bravest of the brave, “Le Brave des braves” for his great feats, a nickname which was given to him by Napoleon himself.

      Marshal Ney leading the cavalry charge at Waterloo, from Louis Dumoulin’s Panorama of the Battle of Waterloo

      A Perfect Soldier

      Ney joined the 5th Army of the Hussars in 1787. From the beginning, he exhibited outstanding bravery and generosity. He was a supportive soldier with a great capacity for understanding what to do in battlefield scenarios. He reached the rank of Marshal of the Empire in Napoleon’s France, on May 19, 1804. From then on, Marshal Ney was at the head of the “Grande Armèe“.

      Ney at the battle of Kaunas in 1812

      The Last Frenchman on Russian Soil

      The greatest demonstration of his courage and bravery was in the campaign of Russia, during the occupation of Moscow. The city was burned by the Russians themselves, which left the French with no food supply or shelter in the middle of winter. Napoleon was forced to retreat, entrusting Marshal Ney with the rearguard. When the rearguard was attacked by Russian troops, Ney’s men fled, leaving him alone and exposed to the fire of the Russian artillery.

      Marshal Ney, with courage, ingenuity, and improvisation managed to delay the assault of the Cossacks, allowing the withdrawal of most of the army. For hours, Ney was untraceable until he appeared before the Emperor, informing him that he had been the last French soldier to cross the crucial bridge of Kovno. Napoleon immortalized the moment with his phrase: “France is full of brave men, but certainly Ney is the bravest of the brave.” The meeting between them was celebrated as a victory.

      Marshal Ney at the Battle of Eylau

      The Last Battle of Marshal Ney

      Waterloo meant the end of Napoleon. During this battle, perhaps through an act of despair or due to an excess of courage, Marshal Ney decided to attack the English formations with cavalry. It was complete suicide since Napoleon could not assist him with any infantry forces. Instead, the brave French horsemen died in front of well-organized British infantry. By the end of the day, the French army was completely overwhelmed.

      Marshal Ney was judged and sentenced to death for treason against the King. He could have appealed the sentence thanks to his Prussian nationality, but he remained firm, claiming: “I am French and I will remain French.” His execution was carried out by a firing squad in Paris on December 7, 1815. His name was written in the Arc de Triomphe of Paris next to the great marshals of Napoleon.

      The Emperor is depicted giving instructions to general Nicolas Oudinot. Between them is depicted general Etienne de Nansouty and behind the Emperor, on his right is marshal Michel Ney, duke of Elchingen

      Gebhard Leberecht von Blücher – “Marshal Forward”

      For his achievements in the Napoleonic wars, Blücher was named Prince of Wahlstatt. He was also decorated with the Star of the Grand Cross of the Iron Cross, the highest military decoration of the Kingdom of Prussia and the German Empire, also known as “Blücher’s Star” (Blücherstern). Only two men have received this decoration, with Blücher being the first. However, controversy surrounds him: for some, he was a great marshal, but according to for others, he was one of the worst of his time.

      Smart but impulsive, Blücher lacked the coldness to be a military genius, but he compensated for it with his great determination on the battlefield. He could always be found on the frontline, sabre in hand. He had a great affection for his troops who admired him. However, he was not so well regarded by his comrades in command or his superiors due to his vices of drinking, gambling, and women.

      His orders were invariably to advance and continue advancing towards the enemy. It was this aggressive tactic which earned him the nickname of Marschall Vorwärts (“Marshal Forward”), but he nevertheless played an important role in the outcome of the Napoleonic wars.

      Blücher (as he appeared ca. 1815–1819)

      The Darkest Episodes of Blücher

      Much of the controversy about whether Blücher deserves to be considered a good marshal is due to his behavior. Having lived through one of the darkest episodes of his life, Blücher entered a phase of deep depression, alcoholism, and episodes of schizophrenia. Sometimes he believed that he had become pregnant by an elephant, at other times he struggled against imaginary enemies. He also believed that his servants were warming the floor of his rooms to burn his feet.

      Marschall Vorwärts by Emil Hünten (1863)

      A Wise Decision that Sealed the Fate of Napoleon

      On June 16, 1815, in Ligny, Belgium, the army of Blücher suffered a severe defeat at the hands of Napoleon himself, which was to be the Emperor’s last victory. The old marshal was wounded and nearly captured. In light of this, the Prussians withdrew with the intention of meeting with Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington.

      After the defeat, the arguments between the Prussian generals lasted until dawn. Blücher decided to aid Wellington and marched from Wavr to Waterloo. Correspondence was sent between the Prussians and the English, so Wellington would be sure that the Prussian army would help him. Wellington gave the order to retreat to Waterloo and resist a few kilometers from the Hougoumont farm.

      To prevent this alliance, Napoleon sent Marshal Emmanuel de Grouchy to pursue the Prussians. Grouchy was unsuccessful and Blücher continued to march inexorably towards the Waterloo battlefield.

      Prussian Prince Blücher hors de combat towards the end of the battle when his horse was killed under him. The man on foot next to him is Count Nostitz-Rieneck

      Battle of Waterloo – the Timely Participation of Blücher

      Wellington’s army was defending its position in the Hougoumont farm as best as it could against the fearsome French artillery. In the afternoon, the French noticed an army approaching their right flank. They thought it was Grouchy’s army, but in fact, it was the 30,000 Prussians under Blücher’s command.

      Confusion and fear spread among the French at the sight of Blücher’s men. Despite the initial success of the French Imperial Guard, the French army ended up backing down — something they had never done before. For the first time in this battle, the British took the initiative and advanced, with the help of the Prussians. At this point, the battle turned in favour of the allies. Blücher had appeared at the most opportune moment and now his men pursued the French until nightfall.

      Gebhard Leberecht von Blücher at the Battle of Waterloo by Carl Röchling.

      Marshal Forward – Forever

      In 1815, Blücher had been 72 years old. Even though he had been wounded in Ligny after his horse fell on him, that didn’t stop him being in the middle of the action two days later in Waterloo. It was undoubtedly spectacular and inspiring for his troops to see a man of his age carrying out his duties with such energy.

      After the Napoleonic wars, Blücher returned to his Silesian lands and finally retired. He died on his farm near Wroclaw (present-day Poland) on September 12, 1819, close to turning 77 years old.


      To Tadeusz Kosciuszko

      I have rarely written to you never but by safe conveyances & avoiding every thing political, lest, coming from one in the station I then held, it might be imputed injuriously to our country, or perhaps even excite jealousy of you. hence my letters were necessarily dry. retired now from public concerns, totally unconnected with them, and avoiding all curiosity about what is done or intended, what I say is from myself only, the workings of my own mind, imputable to nobody else. The anxieties which I know you have felt, on seeing exposed to the justlings of a warring world, a country to which in early life you devoted your sword & services, when oppressed by foreign dominion, were worthy of your philanthropy & disinterested attachment to the freedom and happiness of man. altho’ we have not made all the provisions which might be necessary for a war in the field of Europe, yet we have not been inattentive to such as would be necessary here. from the moment that the affair of the Chesapeake rendered the prospect of war imminent, every faculty was exerted to be prepared for it, & I think I may venture to solace you with the assurance that we are in a good degree prepared. military stores for many campaigns are on hand, all the necessary articles (sulphur excepted) & the art of preparing them among ourselves abundantly, arms in our magazines for more men than will ever be required in the field, & 40,000. new stand yearly added, of our own fabrication, superior to any we have ever seen from Europe heavy artillery much beyond our need, an increasing stock of field pieces, several founderies casting one every other day, each a military school of about 50. students which has been in operation a dozen years, and the manufacture of men constantly going on, and adding 40,000. young souldiers to our force every year that the war is deferred: at all our seaport towns of the least consequence we have erected works of defence, and assigned them gunboats, carrying one or two heavy pieces, either 18 s 24 s or 32 pounders, sufficient, in the smaller harbors to repel the predatory attacks of privateers or single armed ships, & proportioned in the larger harbors to such more serious attacks as they may probably be exposed [to] .1 all these were nearly completed, & their gunboats in readiness, when I retired from the government. the works of New York & New Orleans alone, being on a much larger scale, are not yet compleated. the former will be finished this summer, [mounting 438. guns,] 2 & with the aid of from 50. to 100. gunboats will be adequate to the resistance of any fleet which will ever be trusted across the Atlantic the works for N. Orleans are less advanced. these are our preparations. they are very different from what you will be told by newspapers, and travellers, even Americans. but it is not to them the government communicates the public condition. ask one of them if he knows the exact state of any particular 3 harbour, and you will find probably that he does not know even that of the one he comes from. you will ask perhaps where are the proofs of these preparations for one who cannot go & see them. I answer, in the acts of Congress authorising such preparations, & in your knolege of me that, if authorised, they would be executed. two measures have not been adopted which I pressed on Congress repeatedly at their meetings. the one, to settle the whole ungranted territory of Orleans by donations of land to able bodied young men, to be engaged & carried there at the public expence, who would constitute a force always ready on the spot to defend New Orleans.the other was to class the militia according to the years of their birth, & make all those from 20. to 25. liable to be trained & called into service at a moment’s warning. this would have given us a force of 300,000. young men, prepared by proper training for service in any part of the US. while those who had passed thro’ that period would remain at home liable to be used in their own or adjacent states. these two measures would have compleated what I deemed necessary for the entire security of our country. they would have given me, on my retirement from the government, of the nation, the consolatory reflection that having found, when I was called to it, not a single seaport town in a condition to repel a levy of contribution by a single privateer or pirate, I had left every harbor so prepared by works & gunboats as to be in a reasonable state of security against any probable attack, the territory of Orleans acquired & planted with an internal force sufficient for it’s protection, & the whole territory of the US. organised by such a classification of it’s male force as would give it the benefit of all it’s young population for active service, and that of a middle & advanced age for stationary defence. but these measures will, I hope, be compleated by my successor, who, to the purest principles of republican patriotism, adds a wisdom & foresight second to no man on earth.

      So much as to my country. now a word as to myself. I am retired to Monticello, where, in the bosom of my family, & surrounded by my books, I enjoy a repose to which I have been long a stranger. my mornings are devoted to correspondence. from breakfast to dinner I am in my shops, my garden, or on horseback among my farms from dinner to dark I give to society & recreation with my neighbors & friends & from candlelight to early bed-time I read. my health is perfect and my strength considerably reinforced by the activity of the course I pursue perhaps it is as great as usually falls to the lot of near 67 .4 years of age. I talk of ploughs & harrows, seeding & harvesting, with my neighbors, & of politics too, if they chuse, with as little reserve as the rest of my fellow citizens, & feel at length the blessing of being free to say & do what I please, without being responsible for it to any mortal. a part of my occupation, & by no means the least pleasing, is the direction of the studies of such young men as ask it. they place themselves in the neighboring village, and have the use of my library & counsel, & make a part of my society. in advising the course of their reading, I endeavor to keep their attention fixed on the main objects of all science, the freedom & happiness of man. so that coming to bear a share in the councils and government of their country, they will keep ever in view the sole objects of all legitimate government.

      From this portion of my personal condition, I must turn to another of unpleasant hue, and apologize to you for what has given me much mortification. for some time before I retired from the government I anxiously endeavored to have all outstanding accounts called in, & no new ones contracted, that I might retire, at least without any embarrasment of debt. wholly occupied with the care of the public affairs, I was obliged to trust to others for that of my own: and in the last moments of my stay in Washington, notwithstanding my precautions, accounts came in in a mass so overwhelming as to exceed all my resources by ten or twelve thousand Dollars. a friend accomodated me readily with a considerable part of the deficiency, to be reimbursed out of the first proceeds of my estate. while sunk in affliction as to the residue, mr Barnes suggested that the public were paying off the whole of the 8. percent stock, that he had not yet recieved yours of that description, or reinvested it in any other form: that he had thought of placing it in bank stock, but, he supposed, if I should pay you an interest equal to the dividends on bank stock, it would be indifferent to you from what hand your profits came: & that the 4500.D. of yours then disengaged, would entirely relieve my remaining deficiency. the proposition was like a beam of light & I was satisfied that were you on the spot to be consulted the kindness of your heart would be gratified, while recieving punctually the interest for your own subsistence, to let the principal be so disposed of for a time, as to lift a friend out of distress. I therefore gave mr Barnes a proper written acknolegement of the debt, & he applied your 8. percent principal to the closing of my affairs. I was the more encouraged to do this, because I knew it was not your intention to call your capital from this country during your life, & that should any accident happen to you, it’s charitable destination, as directed by the paper you left with me, would not be at all delayed. I have set apart an estate of 3000.D. a year which I have at5 some distance from Monticello, & which is now engaged in reimbursing what was furnished by the friend I alluded to. it will be nearly accomplished by the close of this year. two more years will suffice for the residue of that, & yours when this part of your funds can again be invested in some of the monied institutions. the diversion of it from them for 4. or 5. years, will in the mean time have saved me. but the affliction is a sore one, & needs the solace of your approbation. instead of the unalloyed happiness of retiring, unembarrased & independent, to the enjoiment of my estate, which is ample for my limited views, I have to pass such a length of time in a thraldom of mind never before known to me. except for this, my happiness would have been perfect. that yours may never know 6 disturbance, & that you may enjoy as many years of life, health & ease as yourself shall wish, is the sincere prayer of your constant & affectionate friend.

      p.s. I put under cover herewith mr Barnes’s letter with his annual account & a remittance of £200. sterl. the Duplicates shall follow by another occasion.

      On 22 June 1807 HMS Leopard provoked a crisis in Anglo-American relations by firing on the United States frigate chesapeake, inflicting casualties, obliging it to lower its flag, subjecting it to a search for British deserters, and taking several members of its crew into custody ( Malone, Jefferson description begins Dumas Malone, Jefferson and his Time , 1948–81, 6 vols. description ends , 5:416–23, 428–9). sulphur is one of the primary ingredients of gunpowder. The American military school at West Point, New York, was actually founded in 1802 ( U.S. Statutes at Large description begins Richard Peters, ed., The Public Statutes at Large of the United States . . . 1789 to March 3, 1845 , 1855–56, 8 vols. description ends , 2:137).

      James Madison was the friend who accomodated me readily by endorsing TJ’s note (Madison to TJ, 30 May 1809). By his proper written acknolegement of his debt to Kosciuszko, TJ evidently meant his letter of 15 June 1809 to John Barnes. The paper Kosciuszko left with TJ when he returned to Europe was his will of 5 May 1798, which dedicated the proceeds from the sale of his American possessions following his death to freeing and educating as many slaves as possible. A later will revoked this provision ( PTJ description begins Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, and others, eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson , 1950– , 31 vols. description ends , 30:332–3).


      Combat near Laybach, 22 May 1809 - History

      HISTORY of BALLSTON, NY
      FROM OUR COUNTY AND ITS PEOPLE
      A DESCRIPTIVE AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD OF
      S ARATOGA C OUNTY
      NEW YORK
      PREPARED AND PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF
      T HE S ARATOGIAN
      THE BOSTON HISTORY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS 1899

      The town of Baliston comprises the so-called five-mile square, with a small addition to the south. It is bounded on the north by Milton, on the east by Malta, on the south by Clifton Park and Schenectady county, and on the west by Schenectady county and Chariton. The Revised Statutes define the town as follows:

      The town of Ballston shall contain afl that part of said county comprehending the tract of land commonly called the five mile square, and the west line of the same extended south tothe bounds of the county then along the bounds of the county to a line run from the south end of Long lake1 south fifty-three degrees west then along that line and the east shore of said lake to the south bounds of the said five-mile square.

      The surface of Baliston is gently undulating. The Mourning kill rises in the western part of the town and flows northeasterly through Ballston and Malta into the Kayaderosseras. The outlet of Ballston lake flows northeasterly, finally emptying into Round lake. Gordon creek is a small tributary of the Kayaderosseras rising in the northwestern part of the town and flowing in a northeasterly direction. The Schenectady branch of the Delaware & Hudson Canal company s railroad extends through the town from Baliston Lake station to Baliston Spa. The first settlement was made in 1763 by two brothers named Michael and Nicholas McDonald, who located near the west bank of Baliston lake. In 1770 Rev. Eliphalet Ball, with his three sons .John, Stephen and Flamen and several members of his congregation, removed from Bedford, N. Y., and settled in the vicinity of Academy Hill. Mr. Ball was induced to settle here by a donation of 500 acres of land from the proprietors of the five-mile square. He was the pastor of the first religious society formed in town. His father and Washington s mother, Mary Ball, were first cousins. Soon after the arrival of the Ball family a large number of settlers came from New Eügland, New Jersey, Scotland and the north of Ireland. Among these were General James Gordon, George Scott, Judge Beriah Palmer, Judge Epenetus White, Edward A. Watrous, Captain Kenneth Gordon and others. The Scotch families settled in Scotch Bush and Paisley Street. The first church in town (Presbyterian) was organized October 6, 1792. Ezekiel Horton was an early tavern keeper at Academy Hill.

      Baliston Spa is the principal village in the town. The larger portion of it lies within the limits of Milton. Christ Protestant Episcopal church stands just south of the Milton town line, in Baliston. V corners is a hamlet half a mile further south. Ballston Lake is a hamlet at the west side of the south end of Ballston lake. Burnt Hills lies a mile west of Ballston Lake. East Line is a small hamlet about two and a half miles south of Ballstoñ Spa, on the Malta town line. Ballston Centre is in the centre of the town.

      The Presbyterian church at Ballston Centre, the first church in town, was established September 22, 1775 Calvary Protestant Episcopal church at Burnt Hills May 7, 1849 the Baptist church of Burnt Hills about 1791 the Christian church of Burnt Hills about 1848 the Episcopal church at East Line (now extinct) in 1876, and the Christian church of East Line (also extinct) in 1858.

      October 16, 1780, a party of four hundred regulars and Indians from Canada, under the Tory Major Munroe, attacked the Ballston settlement, killed one man and took twenty-four prisoners, including General James Gordon. The prisoners were taken to Canada, whence they subsequently escaped. In May, 1781, the notorious Joe Bettys, with about thirty refugees, captured several prisoners and carried them to Canada. They also afterward escaped. Bettys was subsequently captured and hanged as a spy at Albany.

      Baliston was named in honor of Rev. Eliphalet Ball, and was originally called Ball's Town. In 1775 the district of Baliston was formed from Saratoga. In 1785 it became a town of Albany county, and ineluded (as it also did as a district) the present towns of Baliston, Milton, Charlton, Gaiway, Providence, Edinburgh and a part of Greenfield. Chariton, Milton and Gaiway were set off in 1792. The records of the district from 1775 to 1778 are not in existence, as far as can be learned. The first known are those of 1779, in which year these officers were chosen:
      Supervisor, James Gordon clerk, Berish Palmer collector, Dr. Elisha Miller assessors, Captain Elisha Benedict, Jabez Patchin. John Rogers, Beriah Palmer, jr., John Taylor constables, Isaac Stow, Daniel Taylor fence viewers, Lieutenant John Ball, Lieutenant Nathaniel Weed overseers of the poor, Hezekiaii Middlebrook, Jabez Hubbell pathmasters. Nathaniel Weed, Jabez Hubbell, Elisha Benedict, Jabez Patchin, James Adams, Sunderland Sears, Nathan Raymond, Isaac Stow.


      Later life [ edit | uredi izvor]

      In 1880, he presented a statue of Alexander Hamilton to the city of New York, "though preferring it were the act of others." Ώ] At the November 22, 1880 unveiling of the statue in Central Park near the Metropolitan Museum of Art, he said that after a century of the nation's existence, time had shown "the utility of [Hamilton's] public services and the lessons of his polity," and that he trusted "that this memorial may aid in their being recalled and usefully appreciated." Ώ ]

      On July 25, 1882, the 89-year-old Hamilton died at Stockton Cottage, on Ocean Avenue in Long Branch, New Jersey, due to complications of jaundice and catarrh. His funeral was held at Trinity Church in Manhattan. Ώ ]


      Revolutionary Skirmish Near Juniper Springs

      A party of Sumter's soldiers, harassing a rear guard of British foragers under Lord Rawdon (en route to relieve besieged Ninety Six), was ambushed several miles north of here on June 18, 1871. The state troops, under Col. Charles S. Myddelton, were dispersed and the British continued unimpeded to Ninety Six.

      Erected 1980 by Lexington County Historical Society. (Marker Number 32-18.)

      Teme. This historical marker is listed in this topic list: War, US Revolutionary. A significant historical month for this entry is June 1854.

      Mjesto. 33° 55.067′ N, 81° 23.617′ W. Marker is in Gilbert, South Carolina, in Lexington County. Marker is on Main Street south of Rikard Circle, on the left when traveling south. Dodirnite za prikaz karte. Marker is at or near this postal address: 314 Main Street, Gilbert SC 29054, United States of America. Dodirnite za upute.

      Ostali markeri u blizini. At least 10 other markers are within 10 miles of this marker, measured as the crow flies. Lewie Chapel (Old Gilbert Methodist Church) / The Lewie Family (approx. half a mile away) Hartley House (approx. 7.1 miles away) Pinarea / Quattlebaum Sawmill, Flour Mill, and Rifle Factory (approx. 7.3 miles away) Moorefield Memorial Highway (approx. 7.3 miles away) Lee's Tavern Site (approx. 7.7 miles away) Old Batesburg-Leesville High School

      (approx. 7.8 miles away) St. Peter's (Meetze's) Lutheran Church (approx. 7.9 miles away) Lexington County Veterans Monument (approx. 10 miles away) Laurence Corley House (approx. 10 miles away) Daniel Koon House (approx. 10 miles away).

      Također vidjeti. . .
      1. Thomas Sumter. Thomas Sumter (August 14, 1734 – June 1, 1832) was a hero of the American Revolution and went on to become a longtime member of the Congress of the United States. (Submitted on August 24, 2009, by Brian Scott of Anderson, South Carolina.)

      2. Francis Rawdon-Hastings, 1st Marquess of Hastings. Francis Rawdon-Hastings, 1st Marquess of Hastings KG PC (9 December 1754 – 28 November 1826), styled The Honourable Francis Rawdon from birth until 1762 and as The Lord Rawdon between 1762 and 1783 and known as The Earl of Moira between 1793 and 1816, was a British politician and military officer who served as Governor-General of India from 1813 to 1823. (Submitted on August 24, 2009, by Brian Scott of Anderson, South Carolina.)

      Dodatni komentar.
      1. About Juniper Springs
      Juniper Springs, South Carolina
      18 June 1781

      Lord Francis Rawdon marched from Camden to fort at Ninety-Six with a relief

      force of 2,000 men. Sumter was ordered by Greene to slow down the approaching British relief column. It was not realistic for any of the partisan units to attack Rawdon, but they could conduct hit and run tactics to delay him. Sumter sent two hundred South Carolina State cavalry to William Washington to harass Rawdon s army on the Ridge Road. He also sent 150 men with Colonel Charles Myddleton and Richard Hampton to harass Rawdon s rear.

      Myddleton was successful in harassing Rawdon s foraging parties, and was able to capture and officer and four men. He sent the prisoners away quickly with an escort and prepared to receive any attack that would be coming.

      On the morning of June 18th Major John Coffin, in the British rear guard, set an ambush for Myddleton. When Myddleton s force engaged the ambush Coffin surrounded the partisan s flanks and rear with cavalry.

      Myddleton s cavalry had no swords and his force was not equipped for close combat. They were decimated by the ambush. Four officers and twenty or thirty men were killed or taken prisoner.

      During the fighting Jacob Presnell was lying down behind a tree, firing at the British. He told the men around him, "Damn em, let 'em come one!" Richard Hampton saw that they were surrounded and told his men to retreat, saying "Boys, follow me!" Presnell didn t get the word to withdraw and stood his ground

      until the British were close to him. He looked around and noticed that he was alone and quickly ran for his unbridled pony. He jumped on the horse, but it would not move a step. He jumped back off again and grabbed the pony s mane, and "holding his rifle in his other hand he kicked the poney in the side." He stayed on the side not exposed to enemy fire, and ran off the field. He rendezvoused with the rest of his force at Hollow Creek Swamp.

      Myddleton s cavalry became severely demoralized and only forty-five men could be reorganized after the ambush. Sumter reported the loss of his cavalry to Greene and told him that it would be very difficult to join him at Ninety-Six.

      Daniel Stinson told Draper that Vaudant s Old Field was used by the British as a collection point for their dead and wounded after the skirmishing with Sumter s mounted troops in June. The British would bury their dead beside a "big post oak". The British hanged two of their own men, reason s unknown, from that post oak. In the middle of the hanging they thought Sumter s partisans had come back and they quickly left the area. The two men hanged there for three months until they were found, cut down and buried. William Calk said that he saw four British graves, four American graves, and the two who had been left to hang.

      The British continued on to Fort Ninety-Six. Five miles from the Juniper Paid Advertisement


      Gledaj video: Battle of Velbuzhd 1330 Documentary (Svibanj 2022).